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Houses versus signs/planets
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
Rad
May 07, 2024
Hi dominikas_103 Can we say sixth house deals with health? Does mercury as well? ********** Yes to both. The 6th House, Virgo, and Mercury all correlate to the physical and mental health of the human being as it interfaces with it's environment in general, and its work environment specifically. Below is from JWG's book on Medical Astrology that describes the anatomical and physiological correlations of the 6th House, Mercury, and Virgo: Mercury – Virgo – 6th House Anatomical Correlations – Mercury Amygdala with the Moon, Pluto, and Uranus Anatomy of the ear Arms and hands Entire central Nervous system with co-ruler Uranus Left hemisphere: with Uranus Motor nerves Neurotransmitters with Uranus and Neptune Sciatic nerves with co-ruler Uranus and Jupiter Sympathetic and parasympathetic systems with co-rulers the Moon and Uranus* Temporal lobe with Uranus *The nervous system is made up of the Central Nervous System (CNS) and the Peripheral Nervous System (PNS). Comprised of neural and nervous tissue, the CNS and PNS transmit signals from the brain to the body parts (muscles, glands, sense organs) to activate a response which correlates with co-rulers Uranus and Pluto. Chakra System Correlation – Mercury Throat chakra Additional Correlations – Mercury With co-ruler Uranus it correlates with the very nature of thought: thinking. As a result it correlates with the 'messaging' taking place within the entire physical body that is ultimately traceable to the various areas within the brain itself. Additionally, Mercury with Uranus correlates to all the transmissions within the body that all involve the body communicating with itself. Additionally, this correlates with all the external transmissions that come into the body that impacts on how the body reacts to those transmissions. In combination these then correlate to how the body, and the Soul within it, transmits or communicates itself to others specifically, and the overall environment generally. God Bless, Rad
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ASTEROID GODDESSES
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
Rad
May 02, 2024
Hi All, Here is the chart of Olha Stefanishyna. This is a noon chart. **************** Inside Ukraine’s quest to keep its European dream alive By Emily Rauhala and Siobhán O'Grady March 30, 2024 Olha Stefanishyna, Ukraine’s deputy prime minister for European and Euro-Atlantic integration, in front of the Berlaymont building in Brussels on Dec. 12, where she participated in various interviews. BRUSSELS — No one thought Ukraine would get this close, this fast, to securing a free, democratic future as a member of the European Union — not even Olha Stefanishyna, the 38-year-old deputy prime minister whose job is to make that dream come true. Stefanishyna had spent her life trying to integrate her country with the West and get it out of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s clutches — a quest that often seemed quixotic. But Putin’s 2022 invasion backfired, vaulting Ukraine to official status as a candidate for E.U. membership. Now Ukraine and Stefanishyna have a real shot — if the country can survive. For Ukraine, it is about “coming back to the origins of the family of European nations,” Stefanishyna said, and “getting rid of the post-Soviet burden, this legacy of tyranny and suffering.” As Ukraine’s military tries to hold off the continuing Russian onslaught, Stefanishyna and other diplomats are waging their own offensive to preserve Ukraine’s independence and identity by carving out a path forward in Brussels — despite the continuing, if far more quiet, reluctance of E.U. countries worried that such a big and needy new member will divert resources from their own citizens. That reticence was on display this week as France and Poland teamed up to push for curbs on Ukrainian imports amid protests by farmers in their own countries who are clamoring for more support. Agriculture is Ukraine’s most important industry, and the country’s economy is a wreck but Kyiv has little ability to complain. Stefanishyna has spent the war shuttling between Kyiv and Brussels. Once an easy three-hour flight, it can take her more than 20 hours to get from the Ukrainian capital, where there are no operating airports because of the constant threat of missile strikes, to the E.U. capital, which is very much at peace. In Kyiv, she works from a government building barricaded by sandbags and checkpoints, where metal grates can be lowered over her office windows when air raid sirens blare. She was separated from her children for months at the start of the invasion. Now, on some nights, she bundles them into a car to sleep in a parking garage-turned-bomb shelter. In Brussels, meanwhile, it is business as usual. Leaders meet. Deals are struck. “Countries and destinies are just files,” she said. That dynamic means she has to convey her country’s stakes carefully, always walking a fine line between asking and imploring, even as Ukrainians are getting shelled back home. Around the negotiating table, she said, “we are just the same.” “The difference is … that coming back to Kyiv, we’re in a country of war,” she said. “We’re on the edge of survival.” The challenges ahead are both bureaucratic and existential. The E.U. tasks prospective member states with a slew of reforms to bring their laws in line with the union’s voluminous rule book. Countries must retool their institutions and markets from top to bottom. Even in the best of conditions, the process can take a decade or more. For Ukraine, success will require overcoming opposition from overtly Russia-friendly leaders and also isolationists who think the E.U. club is big enough. It will also mean living to fight, and negotiate, another day — while asking the same countries that must decide on membership to also pay for ammunition and weapons and host war refugees. “Whenever we hear that Ukrainians are impatient, they are nervous, they’re ungrateful … it is normal,” Stefanishyna said. “We are an extremely grateful nation … But it’s just like, ‘my kids are living under bomb shelling.’” Born in Odessa in what was then the Soviet Union, Stefanishyna was a small child when Ukraine declared its independence in 1991. She was in college in 2004 and 2005 when Ukrainians took to the streets to protest election fraud by which pro-Russian candidate Viktor Yanukovych tried to steal the presidency from his rival, Viktor Yushchenko. That movement, which became known as the Orange Revolution, shaped her politically and personally: Her parents joined the protests and, for the first time, shared with her painful details of their family’s past, explaining how the Soviets had persecuted her relatives. Those hopeful protests were “the sign for them that Ukraine exists,” she said. She graduated from law school in 2008 and worked at the Ministry of Justice, laying the legal groundwork for closer E.U.-Ukraine cooperation. Back then, E.U. membership wasn’t on the table. The “only possible step,” she recalled, was a political association agreement and free trade deal with the E.U. In 2010, Yanukovych won the presidency promising to sign the accords. But in November 2013, under pressure from Russia, he balked. Stefanishyna remembers seeing the news on TV while home playing with her young daughter, and thinking: “OK, so people will be in the streets.” Through the protests known as Euromaidan she spent days in the office and evenings and weekends in Kyiv’s Independence Square. Her parents came from Odessa and took her daughter into the crowds. She still gets chills speaking of how her child joined protests that soon turned violent. Police killed more than 100 demonstrators; Yanukovych abandoned his post and fled to Russia. In the following weeks, Russia invaded and illegally annexed Crimea, then fomented war in the eastern Donbas region. What Stefanishyna takes from Yanukovych’s decision and its violent aftermath is a lesson in Ukrainian resolve and Russian miscalculation. “We have it now in our blood,” she said, “the understanding that it’s only us who hold the front.” When Russia invaded on Feb. 24, 2022, Stefanishyna, now deputy prime minister, sent her children to Slovakia to stay with their paternal grandparents, and she traveled to Western Ukraine with other officials to coordinate the response. “We saw that everything we’ve been building for 10 years was just disappearing,” she recalled. “The roads were disappearing, the buildings, the lives of the people.” But she knew, too, that Putin’s attack would make her work more urgent. An E.U. membership application, she said, could preserve “at least in our memory” the country’s progress on rights and democratic norms. Four days later, on Feb. 28, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky asked the E.U. for a fast-track to membership — a request many European diplomats dismissed as far-fetched. Zelensky appealed urgently to leaders, often by video call from war-battered Kyiv. After Russian forces retreated from outside Kyiv in late March, Stefanishyna traded her suits and heels for military fatigues and guided European visitors through the destroyed suburbs where Russian forces executed civilians. In June, the E.U. granted Ukraine candidate status. An ecstatic Zelensky called it the “victory” his country had been striving for not just since the invasion, but since independence in 1991. “We have been waiting for 120 days and 30 years,” he said. An E.U. official told The Washington Post that June that Ukraine had pushed the E.U. to move more in two weeks “than in the last 25 years.” Stefanishyna was surprised by the speed. Before the war, she said, “we were not even daring to think … of filing the application.” Amid the positive momentum, she brought her children home to Kyiv. Stefanishyna had worked much of her life for this moment. But on a drizzly December morning, the situation in Brussels looked bleak. Just before E.U. leaders were expected to approve opening membership talks with Ukraine, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban threatened to block the process. Russian hackers had just taken down Ukraine’s biggest phone network, disconnecting Stefanishyna from Kyiv. Zelensky was calling nonstop for updates — tethering her to WiFi to stay in contact. As she prepared for intense discussions, she was full of dread about what a “no” would mean at home. Two days later, E.U. leaders convinced Orban to leave the room at a key moment, letting other leaders vote to seal the deal for Ukraine. The question now is if Ukraine can maintain momentum. While Orban caved on the talks, he and others will have ample opportunity to thwart Ukraine in years ahead. Whatever happens, Stefanishyna said she will soldier on. “The war should last as long as it needs to last,” she said. “Until the victory is there.” ********* Olha Stefanishyna Wikipedia Olha Vitaliivna Stefanishyna born 29 October 1985 is a Ukrainian lawyer and civil servant. On 4 June 2020, she was appointed as the deputy prime minister for European and Euro-Atlantic integration.[ Career In 2008, Stefanishyna graduated from the Institute of International Relations of the University of Kyiv (in international law and English translator). In 2016, she received a specialist degree in Finance and Credit from Odesa National Economics University. Stefanishyna, after a short career as legal adviser, became an employee of the Ministry of Justice at the end of 2007. From March to December 2017, Stefanishyna worked as the director of the Government Office for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of the Cabinet of Ministers Secretariat. In December 2017, she was appointed director general of the Government Office for the Coordination of European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of the Secretariat. Stefanishyna was awarded the Certificate of Honor of the Cabinet of Ministers. In the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election Stefanishyna stood for election to parliament as number 25 on the party list of Ukrainian Strategy. In this election Ukrainian Strategy failed to win any parliamentary seats gaining 2.41% of the total votes while the election had a 5% election threshold. (The party also failed to win a constituency seat. After the election she worked for the Ilyashev & Partners Law Firm. On 4 June 2020 Stefanishyna was appointed as the deputy prime minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration in the Shmyhal Government. Has the fifth rank of a civil servant. Member of the council of political party Servant of the people. Stefanishyna ranks 45th place in the rating of "100 most influential Ukrainians" in 2021 and 14th place in the ranking of "100 most influential women of Ukraine in 2021" by Focus magazine. According to legal newspaper Yurydychna Gazeta in 2021 she ranks in the top 10 successful lawyers-politicians. As deputy prime minister for European and Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine, Stefanishyna is heading a number of coordination mechanisms in the government, in particular:     A Chair of the Commission for Coordination of Euro-Atlantic Integration of Ukraine     A Chair of the Commission for Equal Rights for Women and Men     A Chair of the working group for approach agreement to the application of the carbon border adjustment mechanism to Ukraine in consultation with the European Commission     A Chair of the Ukrainian delegation for participation in the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow     A Chair of the Interagency Working Group on Coordination of Integrated Border Management     Co-chair of the High-Level Dialogue Working Group on the European Green Deal and Ukraine's Green Transition The dialogue was launched in February 2021 by the prime minister of Ukraine Denys Shmyhal and the vice-president of the European Commission on the European Green Deal Frans Timmermans.     Deputy Head of the Commission for Coordination of the Implementation of the Association Agreement     Deputy Head of the Interministerial Working Group on Coordination of Climate Change in the framework of the European Commission's initiative “European Green Deal”. Develops the Ukraine-EU dialogue on Ukraine's involvement in the processes of forming the European Green Deal and further synchronization of national climate change policy with European regulation     Member of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine     Member of the National Reform Council     Member of the council of political party “Слуга народу” (Sluga narodu) “Servant of the people” The list of Commissions chaired from Ukrainian side by the Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of Ukraine:     Ukrainian-Slovak Joint Commission on economic, industrial and scientific-technical cooperation     Ukrainian-German High Level Group on economic cooperation ******* EU funding delays imperil Ukraine’s ‘macro-financial stability’, says official Ukrainian deputy PM Olha Stefanishyna warns FT Global Boardroom about Kyiv’s financing uncertainty Ukraine has warned that political squabbling between EU capitals on a fresh financial package for Kyiv is putting the country’s “macro-financial stability” at risk, compounding concerns over future funding from the US. Brussels has proposed a €50bn package to support Ukraine’s finances for the next four years as part of a broader request for EU governments to top up the bloc’s common budget. This has sparked months of political wrangling between member states with no guarantee a deal will be struck by the end of the year. The uncertainty over future EU funding comes as the White House has also so far failed to convince Congress to support additional funding for Kyiv, amid partisan divisions and competing demands to provide assistance to Israel in its war against Hamas. “We need money in January to keep running,” Ukraine’s deputy prime minister Olha Stefanishyna told the Financial Times. “The timing is pressing, and we really need to have the clarity of what happens from January 1 . . . to lead to a lack of disruption in the financial and macro-financial stability in Ukraine.” Stefanishyna, who is in charge of Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Nato, said that while President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government was hopeful that the EU funding proposal would eventually be agreed, the delay was a cause for concern. “So we are really positive, but probably we have to have sort of a safe scenario to make sure that [while] it takes necessary time to adopt this decision, it’s not disrupting the ongoing financial framework,” she told the FT’s Global Boardroom event on Friday. The EU’s 27 member states broadly support the funding for Ukraine, which consists of €17bn in grants and €33bn in long-term loans. But they cannot agree on an additional €50bn in EU budget top-up for other expenses including migration and interest repayments on common debt that the European Commission has decided to wrap into one proposal. Diplomats from across the bloc have called for the commission to separate the Ukraine funding from the other expenditures, in order to reassure Kyiv. But Brussels has repeatedly rejected that request, arguing that it would scupper its chances of obtaining approval for the parts of the top-up that are not related to Ukraine. “We have put forward a comprehensive, well-balanced proposal. It addresses a series of well identified and justified budgetary needs across a range of policy priorities,” said Eric Mamer, spokesman for the commission. “Our discussions with member states therefore focus on the overall package.” EU leaders will meet at a summit in December to discuss the budget top-up. Any additional money not redistributed from other parts of the EU budget will have to be covered by national contributions. Member state diplomats have warned that it is not guaranteed the 27 leaders will be able to reach an agreement at the summit, delaying any deal — and decision on Ukraine’s financial support — into 2024. “We’re all ready to sign off on the Ukrainian €50bn, all they need to do is give us the opportunity,” said one senior EU diplomat. “But the commission is taking a maximalist position here and seeking to use Ukraine to get their other priorities funded.” In a separate interview at the FT Global Boardroom event, Czech president Petr Pavel said Ukraine was likely to come under growing pressure next year to begin negotiations with Russia to end the war. “We will see more war fatigue on both sides . . . and much more pressure by those affected both directly and indirectly,” Pavel said. “We will see elections in Russia, possibly Ukraine and also the United States. All these effects may eventually lead to a negotiation.” He stressed that western capitals should not push Kyiv into talks and the two sides were at present too far apart. Pavel, a former general and head of Nato’s military committee played down the threat of the US weakening its commitment to or even withdrawing from the alliance if Donald Trump returned to the White House. But he said Europeans powers needed to be able act through Nato without relying on Washington. “Within Nato we need to have a discussion about how we can better institutionalise the European pillar not to be so dependent on the United States. It’s about preparing for a situation where the United States will be busy elsewhere.” ************ Ukraine expects complete ban on Russian grain imports to EU – Ukraine's Deputy PM Olha Stefanishyna, Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration, has stated that Ukraine will "push forward" in the EU the decision on a complete ban on Russian grain imports and admits the possibility that Hungary will not block it. Source: Stefanishyna in an interview with European Pravda as part of the special project Trade Wars, supported by the law firm Ilyashev & Partners Quote from Stefanishyna: "The introduction of additional tariffs does not rule out the possibility of a decision being made later to impose a ban as well. And Ukraine will continue to push for it." Details: She said that the decision to ban importing Russian grain requires further discussion within the EU. She suggested that it could be adopted in the autumn if Hungary, which will preside over the EU Council, agrees. Stefanishyna explained that there are already agreements with Budapest within the framework of the licensing mechanism for Ukrainian agricultural imports, and as part of the dialogue to prepare for the meeting between President Zelenskyy and Prime Minister Orbán, a number of agreements have already been implemented, including the opening of new checkpoints. Dialogue on other infrastructure projects is also progressing successfully. "That is why, although not in all, but specifically in this issue, there are reasons to expect that the Hungarian side will play a positive role and help resolve this issue," said Stefanishyna. Background:     On 22 March, the European Commission presented an official proposal to increase tariffs on imports of grains, oilseeds and their derivatives from Russia and Belarus to the EU. For a long time, Ukraine has been calling on the EU to ban Russian agricultural imports completely. During the EU leaders summit on 21 March, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy called it "unfair" that Russian food products are being brought into Europe while Ukrainian grain is being dumped on asphalt or railway tracks. ************* No illusions about upcoming NATO summit, but Ukraine's invitation is needed lha Stefanishyna, Ukraine's Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration, has noted that Ukraine "has no illusions" in its expectations from the upcoming NATO summit in Washington, but Kyiv, in any case, will call on its allies to make a legally binding decision to invite Ukraine to membership Details: Olha Stefanishyna said that Kyiv "has no illusions" about the chances of receiving an invitation to join the Alliance at the summit in Washington but will still call on its allies to make such a decision. She recalled that even before last year's summit in Vilnius, Ukraine proposed a legally binding invitation format. "We have a very simple position: the invitation issue is much more important than just a political signal for Ukraine... The issue of invitation is not a question of providing weapons, closing the sky or Article 5. This is a matter of legal solution," Olha Stefanishyna stressed, noting that all previous declarations on the prospect of Ukraine's membership in NATO de facto were "just words." "I would like to remind my foreign counterparts who actively travelled to Moscow after the start of the full-scale war and tried to be intermediaries, as well as those who claim their mediation (...): Ukraine's invitation to NATO is a legal guarantee that there will be no negotiations behind the allies' backs, behind Ukraine's backs. This is an important decision for us, and it will be on the table for as long as necessary," the deputy prime minister stressed. Stefanishyna added that it is unnecessary to link such a potential decision to the summits of NATO leaders since these events are more of a platform for exchanging views and establishing contacts. "The decision can be made at any time, and we do not need to wait for a specific meeting at the leadership level," Olha Stefanishyna said. The deputy prime minister noted that most NATO countries supported the idea of inviting Ukraine at the time of the Vilnius summit. "There are key opponents of this decision – the United States and Germany. And I think that now the United States does not allow this dialogue to even develop. And this is very sad," Stefanishina added. During the discussion, the Deputy Prime Minister also commented on an article in the FT about Washington's alleged calls for Kyiv not to strike Russian refineries and noted that such actions by Ukraine are fully in line with NATO's approach. ************** Her natal Lilith is 22 Sagittarius, N.Node 10 Sagittarius, S.Node 16 Cancer Her natal Ceres is 29 Leo, N.Node 9 Cancer, S.Node 9 Sagittarius Her natal Amazon is 23 Taurus, N.Node 00/07 Gemini, S.Node 18 Scorpio Please feel free to comment of ask questions. Goddess Bless, Rad
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Desires in the chart based on Mars, 1st house & Aries
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
ASTEROID GODDESSES
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
Rad
Apr 26, 2024
Hi All, This is the story of Anne Dagg. This is a noon chart. ************* Anne Innis Dagg, pioneering giraffe researcher, dies at 91 After she was denied tenure by an all-male committee, she campaigned against sexism in science and higher education By Harrison Smith April 11, 2024 Anne Innis Dagg, a Canadian zoologist who broke new ground in animal research while studying giraffes in the wild, and who later campaigned against institutional sexism after she was denied tenure by an all-male committee and told that women belonged in the home instead of the academy, died April 1 at a hospital in Kitchener, Ontario. She was 91. The cause was complications from pneumonia, said Paul Zimic, the executive producer of “The Woman Who Loves Giraffes,” a 2018 documentary about her life. An exuberant researcher who seemed as comfortable in the field as she was in the lecture hall, Dr. Innis Dagg had a lifelong fascination with giraffes that began when she was 3, when she encountered the long-necked animals for the first time during a visit to the Brookfield Zoo outside Chicago. She later told CBC Radio that when she asked for a book about giraffes, she was told one did not exist. “So I thought, ‘Well, I’ll learn about giraffes and then I’ll write one.’ ” A few years before Jane Goodall began her field studies on chimpanzees in Tanzania, and a decade before Dian Fossey started her research on mountain gorillas in Rwanda, Dr. Innis Dagg went to South Africa to study giraffes in the bush near Kruger National Park. She was only 23 when she arrived in 1956, and was considered the first scientist to study giraffes in the wild — and one of only a few researchers at the time to study any animal in its natural habitat. If you wanted to know about the species, you would watch it in the zoo or you’d study it by looking at the bones or looking at museum specimens, trying to figure out the taxonomy,” said Fred Bercovitch, a comparative wildlife biologist on the board of the Anne Innis Dagg Foundation, a conservation and education group. Dr. Innis Dagg, he added, was “at the cutting edge” in focusing on animal behavior and ecology, doing research that entered the mainstream only in the 1960s. For about nine hours a day over an eight-month span, Dr. Innis Dagg took notes on the way the world’s tallest land animals moved, ate, fought, socialized and cared for their young. She kept track of about 95 giraffes, using a 16-millimeter camera to film the peculiar way they walked and galloped. When one of the animals was killed, she conducted an autopsy of sorts, drying the intestines and measuring them at 256 feet. For the most part, she tried to stay out of the way, observing giraffes from inside her car, a rickety Ford Prefect — bought for 200 pounds — that she called Camelo, after camelopardalis, a scientific name for the giraffe. Dr. Innis Dagg summarized her findings in a 1958 scientific article, published in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, that laid the groundwork for the book she had long dreamed of writing. Published in 1976 with co-author J. Bristol Foster, “The Giraffe: Its Biology, Behavior, and Ecology” was considered a landmark in the field, pulling together virtually everything that was known about the animals. “Without her pioneering work, the study of giraffes would not have been as complete,” said Graham Mitchell, a zoologist and physiologist who drew on her research for his 2021 book “How Giraffes Work.” He called Dr. Innis Dagg “the doyenne of giraffe researchers,” adding in an email that through her research and writing, she “did much to make the world aware of these remarkable and threatened animals.” But by the time Dr. Innis Dagg published “The Giraffe,” her academic career had been “sidetracked,” as she put it, “by the institutional sexism that was rampant in academia.” She was working as an assistant zoology professor at the University of Guelph in Ontario, teaching, publishing and conducting research while raising three children with her husband, when she was denied tenure in 1971 and told that she would have to leave her job. The school’s tenure committee said that her teaching was “not up to standard” and alleged that her more than 20 peer-reviewed research papers were not of a “desirable scientific sophistication.” The only committee member to back her, zoology colleague Sandy Middleton, told the Toronto Star much later that he believed Dr. Innis Dagg had “ran into the old boys’ network,” which may have sought to punish her because of jealousy over her research. Dr. Innis Dagg unsuccessfully appealed the decision, making headlines in Canadian newspapers after she accused the university of sexism. She noted that around the same time, two other women who had been briefly employed as zoology professors were denied tenure, in what she believed was a way for the department “to save money, having many large classes taught by academics hired at the lowest rate, then replaced by others also beginning at the salary floor.” Over the next few years, she tried and failed to secure another academic posting near her family in Toronto. She later said that a dean at the University of Waterloo “told me he would never give a married woman tenure because she had a husband to support her.” When she was passed over for a teaching position at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo and learned that the position went to a man with less experience, she filed a discrimination claim with the Ontario Human Rights Commission. The case didn’t go anywhere, she said, and she turned down part-time positions that she believed the university had offered in an attempt at “conciliation.” Looking for ways to finance her research, she took a part-time job in 1978 at the University of Waterloo, where she became an academic adviser in the independent studies program. The job helped her continue to work as an independent scholar — she conducted research on homosexuality in animals, the locomotion of camels and the impact of human development on Canadian wildlife — even as she branched into other fields, calling out sexism in books including “Harems and Other Horrors: Sexual Bias in Behavioral Biology” (1983) and “MisEducation: Women & Canadian Universities” (1988). With few exceptions, like an appearance on the American game show “To Tell the Truth” in 1965, she was largely overlooked by the general public until 2014, when the CBC broadcast an hour-long radio documentary about her work. The feature inspired Alison Reid to make a documentary film, “The Woman Who Loves Giraffes,” which followed Dr. Innis Dagg on her first return trip to South Africa in almost 60 years. Dr. Innis Dagg, by then in her 80s, became increasingly in-demand on the academic circuit, attending conferences, accepting honorary doctorates and giving interviews in which she sought to promote science education, especially for women and girls. She also championed conservation efforts for giraffes, which have faced dramatic population declines in recent decades amid habitat loss and poaching. In 2019, she was appointed a member of the Order of Canada. Earlier that year she had returned to the University of Guelph, where her academic ambitions had first been thwarted, for a screening of the documentary. The dean of the university’s College of Biological Science announced that a research scholarship for women had been created in her honor. A letter was also read from the school’s provost and vice president, Charlotte Yates, who wrote that she was extending “an overdue apology for the ways in which you and other women were treated by the institution.” “Isn’t it weird?” Dr. Innis Dagg told the Star, marveling at the crowds that lined up to shake her hand or give her a hug after screenings. “I’ve been ignored my whole life, and just to find out now that I’m actually a person and people really think I’m interesting — it’s pretty amazing.” The youngest of four children, Anne Christine Innis was born in Toronto on Jan. 25, 1933. Her mother, Mary Quayle Innis, was an American-born writer and historian who also served as dean of women at the University of Toronto’s University College. Her father, Harold Innis, was a communication theorist who became the head of the political economy department at the University of Toronto; he also helped inspire her love of nature, once making a canoe trip to the arctic to see beavers and bears. After graduating from the Bishop Strachan School, a Toronto prep school, Dr. Innis Dagg studied at the University of Toronto, receiving a bachelor’s degree in biology in 1955 and a master’s degree in genetics in 1956. Convinced that the best way to understand giraffes was to study them in the wild, she sent more than a dozen letters to African wildlife officials, looking for someone who might sponsor her research. The replies were not encouraging; some suggested that an unmarried young woman should not be traveling alone, and warned that she might encounter trouble from rhinos and other hazards of the savanna. After she began signing her letters with a gender-ambiguous name, “A. Innis,” she finally found a sponsor: a rancher, Alexander Matthew, who invited her to stay at his property, Fleur de Lys farm, in apartheid-era South Africa. By the time she arrived in the country, Matthew had realized from one of her subsequent letters that she was a woman, and concluded that it was improper, as a married man with his family out of the country, to host a “girl” at his house. He eventually relented, according to Dr. Innis Dagg, after she wrote him letters “every other day for two or three weeks.” On her way back home to Canada in 1957, she stopped in England and married her fiancé, Canadian scientist Ian Ralph Dagg. He chaired the physics department at the University of Waterloo before his death in 1993. Survivors include their three children, Hugh, Ian and Mary; a brother; and a grandson. Dr. Innis Dagg received a PhD in animal behavior from the University of Waterloo in 1967, using her footage of giraffes for a dissertation on animal gaits. She said that because she was unable to get a tenure-track job and was busy raising children, “there was little opportunity” for a return trip to South Africa. Still, she was able to conduct field work in the Sahara during the summer of 1973, when she studied camels in triple-digit heat. “The Jeep I hired broke down in the desert,” she told the Star the next year, recalling her journey home. “I stayed with some nomads until I got a lift in a truck to the railway station. Then our train got derailed in a sandstorm. “Apart from that, it was quite uneventful.” ********* The curious, extraordinary life of Anne Innis Dagg The Canadian woman who was first in the world to study giraffes in the wild — and is still considered one of the planet’s foremost experts on the species — is only now getting her due Aug 13, 2019 By Alanna Mitchell The first time I spotted her, Anne Innis Dagg was sitting alone on a small settee in the middle of a springtime party at a posh downtown Toronto hotel, oblivious to the glittering swirl surrounding her. While many of the other guests were in silks and heels, Innis Dagg wore slacks, sensible shoes and a short-sleeved yellow T-shirt decorated with giraffes. Rather than nibbling on canapés, schmoozing and sipping good wine, she was absorbed in a tattered newspaper. That’s Innis Dagg in a nutshell: she marches to her own beat. And that has led her to a curious life of extraordinary scientific firsts and extraordinary obscurity. Widely considered the founder of giraffe science, she was the first to study the giraffe in the wild; the first zoologist to study any African animal in the wild; an inventor of the scientific discipline of behavioural biology; and, more than six decades and copious academic papers and books later, still one of the world’s leading experts on the giraffe, Giraffa camelopardalis. “You can’t be a giraffe researcher unless you’ve read her book,” says Fred Bercovitch, a zoologist who is executive director of the Texas-based group Save the Giraffes. But partly because she has been in the vanguard — and partly because she chose to study an eccentric ungulate rather than a cuddly primate — those accomplishments have not brought her decades of fame. While generations of zoologists have relied on her scientific work and quoted her in their publications, the woman herself has lived resolutely out of the limelight in Waterloo, Ont. She has languished in part-time academic jobs with no tenure, applying her bacon-slicer of a mind to studies on everything from feminism to literature to camels to animal rights. More curiously still, the trajectory of the giraffe has mirrored the trajectory of its first scientist. For the past 60 years, the giraffe has languished, too, largely overlooked by researchers while the fate of other African mammals has galvanized public outcry. Until now. In 2016, the international scientific community discovered, to its astonishment, that the giraffe is vulnerable to extinction. As conservation scientists race to save the species — and several of the nine or so subspecies that are in terrible peril — Innis Dagg, now 86, is at last getting her due. And so is the giraffe. Innis Dagg’s long love affair with the giraffe began in 1936 when she was three. The daughter of University of Toronto economic historian Harold Innis and writer and historian Mary Quayle Innis, Innis Dagg was on holiday in Chicago that year and went to the Brookfield Zoo. While other toddlers were entranced with the panda bears and chimpanzees, Innis Dagg was riveted by the giraffes. “Perhaps their height, especially from a small child’s perspective, impressed me; perhaps it was the rush of movement when something startled them and they cantered in a flurry of necks and legs across their paddock,” she writes in her 2006 memoir Pursuing Giraffe. Obsession ensued. And endured. Once she got to the University of Toronto in 1951, she chose to study science, unlike her female friends who planted themselves firmly in the humanities. It was a strategy to study the giraffe. And once she got her first degree, armed with a gold medal in biology, she wrote to officials in Kenya, Tanganyika (now Tanzania) and Uganda to arrange field studies. Among them was the famed paleoanthropologist Louis Leakey, who would launch Jane Goodall’s research on chimpanzees four years later. No dice. Why would anybody want to study the giraffe? Even her professors laughed at her. Go to Africa? To study giraffes in the wild? As a woman? Not even men were doing that then. Innis Dagg slogged through a master’s degree in mouse genetics at the University of Toronto, still searching for a way to study giraffes, when luck struck. Through a husband-and-wife pair of academics in South Africa, she heard of a cattle farmer, Alexander Matthew, whose spread was home to wild giraffes. He was open to having a researcher look at them. The hitch: he assumed she was a man. Undaunted, Innis Dagg, then 23, set sail for London, then South Africa, dashing off a note to Matthew at the last minute to explain that she was female. It was 1956. She had little money. No backers. No institutional affiliation or academic supervisor. No experience in field research or how to conduct it. No certainty that Matthew would accept her. No means of getting to his remote farm if he did. No understanding of how apartheid, recently enforced by the National Party, was playing out in South African society, including for an unaccompanied, unmarried white woman. None of it mattered to her. Pursuing the giraffe was the only thing she cared about. “I didn’t think I was a rebel,” she says. “I just know when I want to do something, and I do it.” She pauses, then adds matter-of-factly: “It’s quite a simple explanation.” I have tracked Innis Dagg to the archives at Ontario’s University of Waterloo, where her papers, and those of her famous mother, are stored. We are waiting for the archivist to bring out the African notebook that describes her very first observations of giraffes in the wild. In the end, the farmer — whom she still refers to as Mr. Matthew all these years later — finally gave in and allowed her to study his giraffes. She was so determined, he said. And so far from home. He also said she could live in his farmhouse despite worries that it would appear unseemly because she was unmarried and his wife and daughters were away. She bought a hunch-backed little green Ford, drove two long days to his farm and began six months of 14-hour days watching giraffes. It was, she says, heaven. She was finally with the wild giraffe, one of evolution’s most extravagant pranks. The tallest land animal, a giraffe has legs so long that it can step over most humans. Their towering necks are not rigid, but flexible enough to coil around the throat of a competitor with the ease of a boa constrictor. The male’s skull weighs three times that of the female — the better to use as a battering ram against opponents. Their mighty hearts tip the scales at nearly eight kilograms. Comical, knobby horns stick out on top of their heads and triangular ears often point parallel to the ground. Their tongues are deep purple, tethered to the back of the mouth with a band of delicate pink and capable of curling around a twig the way a New World monkey’s tail clasps a vine. Giraffes are diffident. Despite sharing the African savannah with so many other creatures, giraffes don’t behave as though they are part of a community. “They do what they want and couldn’t care less what others think,” says Innis Dagg. In 1956, when Innis Dagg began studying giraffes, so little was known about them or other African mammals that her pipesmoking colleague Rosalie (Griff) Ewer of Rhodes University used to screech to a halt when she saw roadkill and load it into her truck, rotted or not, so she could study the corpses. When it came to giraffes, no one formally trained in science had actually sat still and watched the same individuals for months on end, trying to figure out the basics: what they ate and when, who they mated with, how the herds were structured. Innis Dagg broke all that ground, discovering among other things that giraffes eat day and night, that they are constantly on the move but not migratory, that males spend a lot of time sniffing and sipping females’ urine to see whether they are keen to mate and that males are fond of homosexual sex. All of it transformed the way science saw the creatures. The archivist arrives with a trolley of material. Here is the first notebook from 1956, a faded blue Tudor scribbler, its cover boasting an image of St. George, that fabled preserver of princesses, mounted on his charge, slaying a dragon. (Privately, I wonder if the image is one of Innis Dagg’s dry jokes; surely no 1950s maiden was less in need of rescue.) Innis Dagg has written “GOOD GIRAFFE NOTES 1” in the upper right corner. Inside, the lined, yellowed pages hold the research she had fought so hard and travelled so far to conduct, starting with her first full day of careful observations. She was euphoric that day, she says. Today in the archives, more than six decades later, her eyes fill with tears with the shock of seeing her words again after such a long time. Being in Africa then was her golden age. She was young. She had a whole continent to explore. A whole life ahead of her. She was doing exactly what she wanted. In the years since, she’s given birth to three children, outlived a husband and a subsequent partner, written more than 20 books and been stymied professionally. She earned her PhD at Waterloo in 1967 with the idea of becoming a professor and going off to Africa every summer to study the giraffe, as she might have done had she been born male. But when it came time to find a permanent teaching job and tenure at any of the universities she applied to in southern Ontario, it was, again, no dice. Men got the jobs instead, even those who had not published as many papers. One science dean declared, in 1972, that he would never give tenure to a married woman. She made do with part-time work, scraping together money to continue publishing about the giraffe on the side. But in 1956 when she cracked open this notebook for the first time, all of this was yet to come. “Things seemed so much easier then,” she says. The 19th century was unkind to African wildlife. Europeans arrived with guns and trophy-lust. Nevertheless, in 1908 the British big game hunter Frederick Courteney Selous wrote of the giraffe: “Throughout the greater part of this immense range, these magnificent, strangely beautiful creatures will, in my opinion, continue to live and thrive for centuries yet to come.” Not so. In 1800, South Africa alone had thousands of giraffes, but a century later, just as Selous was making his pronouncement, the animals were so rare there that Boers, who liked to use giraffe hide to make cattle whips, had to import skins from East Africa, Innis Dagg writes in her 2014 book Giraffe: Biology, Behaviour and Conservation. They appear to have gone extinct in at least seven African countries. In 2010, the International Union for Conservation of Nature red list of threatened species clocked the giraffe as a species of least concern for extinction. Just six years later, it was forced to downgrade the giraffe by two levels, saying the species is vulnerable to extinction. In 2018, they listed two subspecies (Nubian and Kordofan) as critically endangered. Today, there are fewer than 100,000 giraffes, a drop of as much as 40 per cent in three decades. And those numbers continue to fall. Even now, giraffes are being poached, hunted for food and driven out of prime landscape by farming, settlement, war and mines. Scientists missed the trend. Their attention was focused on other endangered African icons: lions, elephants, black rhinos, cheetahs, chimpanzees and Eastern gorillas. Even Innis Dagg was taken aback. “In my wildest dreams I never thought there would be no more giraffe,” she says, quaintly using the singular to mean the plural. “I thought they would always be there. You just knew.” I have caught up with Innis Dagg again, this time at the 2018 North American Congress for Conservation Biology on a sweltering late July day in Toronto. It’s a who’s who of scientists on the front lines of saving species from extinction. Pulled into action by the crisis, Innis Dagg has helped organize a symposium on the giraffe. The message is tough. Despite the steep decline in giraffe numbers, fewer than 10 scientists in the world are “boots on the ground” studying the species, Francois Deacon, a wildlife biologist at University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa, tells the crowd. “We are running out of time,” he says. Part of the recovery plan revolves around the resurrection of Innis Dagg’s story. Until about 2010, when the international community of zookeepers joyfully tracked her down and invited her to come to a conference in Phoenix to pick up an award, Innis Dagg had no idea there was a giraffology world, much less that she was a treasured part of it. Soon, to her utter astonishment, it embraced her. In 2013, already in her 80s, she finally got back to Africa for the first time for the giraffe — she was there in the 1970s for the camel — taking in a conference in Nairobi. In 2015, when the IUCN’s shocking giraffe numbers came out, she went back again to visit scientists and the farm where she had worked in the 1950s, accompanied by Canadian filmmaker Alison Reid. The result of that sojourn is Reid’s documentary about her life: The Woman Who Loves Giraffes. It has been shown in limited theatre releases and at festivals since September 2018, to consistent standing ovations, and will eventually hit the small screen (it’s available now on iTunes). The recognition has led to calls for Dagg to get the Order of Canada and honorary degrees from the universities that denied her tenure. In February, the University of Guelph formally apologized for refusing to give her tenure and donated money to three of her favourite giraffe charities. Frailer now, but game for more adventure, she is planning yet another trip to Africa. It is redemption, of a type. ********** Anne Innis Dagg Article by Erin James-Abra Published Online August 23, 2019 Last Edited January 3, 2020 Anne Innis Dagg, CM, zoologist, feminist activist, author (born 25 January 1933 in Toronto, ON). Dagg is best known as a giraffe expert. In 1956, she became the first Western researcher, man or woman, to study the animal in the wild in Africa. Though better known, two of her contemporaries, Jane Goodall and Dian Fossey, followed in her footsteps: Goodall began her study of chimpanzees in 1960 and Fossey her study of mountain gorillas in 1963. Dagg was also a pioneer in the study of mammal gaits and homosexual behaviour. Later in her career she fought for equality between men and women, particularly in academia. Early Life Anne Innis Dagg was born to Mary Quayle and Harold Adams Innis in 1933. She has three older siblings: Donald, Mary and Hugh. Anne’s father was a pioneering economic historian and professor at the University of Toronto. His books The Fur Trade in Canada (1930) and The Cod Fisheries (1940) helped shape the study of Canada’s political economy. In 1964, 12 years after his death, Innis College at the University of Toronto was named in his honour. Dagg’s mother was also an author and academic. Her work An Economic History of Canada (1935) was used as a textbook in her husband’s courses. She served as dean of women at the University of Toronto’s University College from 1955-64. Mary Quayle Innis also wrote fiction, including a novel and short stories for national magazines such as Saturday Night. When Dagg was three years old, her mother took her to the Brookfield Zoo in Chicago, Illinois. There, Dagg saw a giraffe for the first time. “It immediately became my favourite animal,” she writes in her memoir, Smitten by Giraffe. “I wanted to learn everything about it.” Education As a high school student, Anne Innis Dagg entered the science stream at Bishop Strachan School, a prestigious all-girls school in Toronto. Dagg completed a bachelor’s degree in biology in 1955 and a master’s degree in genetics in 1956, both from the University of Toronto. In 1967, she received her doctorate from the University of Waterloo in animal behaviour. Her thesis analyzed the gaits of the American antelope, nine species of deer, and six species from the cattle family. First Trip to Africa In 1956, at the age of 23, Anne Innis Dagg made her first trip to Africa. From 1956 to 1957, she studied giraffes at the Fleur de Lys Ranch near Kruger National Park, South Africa. In an effort to convince the owner of the ranch, Alexander Matthew, to let her come, Dagg signed all her correspondence with him as “A. Innis.” In doing so, Dagg knew Mathew would presume her a man, and therefore be more likely to let her come. There was a brief delay when Mathew, having realized Dagg’s sex, wrote to tell her she could no longer be his guest. Dagg’s persistence eventually persuaded him, however, and she continued her journey to the ranch. Anne Innis Dagg's car, which she named Camelo, at the Fleur de Lys Ranch, South Africa, in 1956. Dagg sat in Camelo for hundreds of hours in order to observe giraffes. Having arrived in South Africa by boat, Dagg drove to Fleur de Lys in a second-hand Ford Prefect she named Camelo, after the giraffe’s scientific name Camelopardalis. She made the trip alone — a dangerous journey for a single, white, foreign woman during the apartheid era. Dagg continued to make use of Camelo after arriving at Fleur de Lys. The car served as a hiding place, and Dagg spent hundreds of hours observing giraffes from within its sweltering confines. Research In 1958, Anne Innis Dagg published her observations of giraffes in South Africa in the journal Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London. Her article, titled “The Behaviour of the Giraffe, Giraffa Camelopardalis, in the Eastern Transvaal,” was the first scientific article about an African mammal ever published. In 1976, Dagg published her first book about giraffes. The book was co-authored with Bristol Foster, a former classmate at the University of Toronto, and titled Giraffe: Biology, Behaviour and Conservation. Zoologists around the world consider the book the “Bible” on giraffes. Dagg spent the years between her first trip to South Africa and the publication of Giraffe researching the animal and tending to her young family. As part of this research she analyzed giraffe gaits, feeding the 16 mm film she had taken at the ranch through a projector perched atop a card table. In her memoir, Dagg writes, “The table was later made higher so that I could stand up while tracing the features of each of the hundreds of strides; this was because if I sat down one, or later both, of my small boys, Hugh and Ian, would scramble onto my lap to ‘help.’” In addition to laying the foundation for scientific research on giraffes, Dagg’s studies were pioneering in other ways. She was the first, for example, to describe homosexual behaviour in the wild in an English scientific paper. Dagg did so in her 1958 article about giraffes. An earlier researcher, Murray Levick, had observed male homosexual behaviour in Adelie penguins in 1910-13; however, he was so uncomfortable with what he saw that he published his findings in Greek so that few could read them. Ongoing homophobia meant that, in 1984, when Dagg published a survey of homosexuality in 125 different species, she was still the only zoologist studying the subject. Teaching Career In 1962, Anne Innis Dagg began teaching as a part-time lecturer at Waterloo Lutheran University, now Wilfrid Laurier University. In 1968, she was hired as a full-time assistant professor in the zoology department at the University of Guelph. Despite her experience and expertise in the field, when Dagg applied for tenure in 1971 she was denied. “One dean told me he would never give tenure to a married woman because she had a man to support her,” Dagg writes in Smitten by Giraffe. “Case closed.” Shortly thereafter she applied for a job as a biologist at Wilfrid Laurier University. She didn’t get an interview. Later, Dagg discovered the all-male hiring committee had chosen one of their friends, someone with far fewer publications than Dagg. She took the case to the Ontario Human Rights Commission and eventually lost. During this time, she also applied for work at Western and York universities, and was turned away. Dagg was never granted tenure. She did, however, work for 35 years for the University of Waterloo’s independent studies program, from 1978 to 2013. During this time she served as resource person, senior academic advisor, and academic director. Feminism The sexism Anne Innis Dagg experienced throughout her academic career informed her fight for equality between men and women. In her memoir, Dagg describes the moment she realized discrimination extended beyond her personal troubles. She writes, “I would no longer obsess over my own problems with sexism but fight for equality for all academic women, for women of all sorts, for anyone suffering from tyranny.” Dagg’s activism took many forms, from advocating for women in universities to writing a newsletter about sexist language. The idea for the newsletter, founded in 1983 and called Language Alert Newsletter, grew from arguments with authors Pierre Burton and Northrop Frye over their use of sexist wording. In it, Dagg detailed the sexist language used in whatever she was reading at the time. One issue, for example, noted the World Wildlife Fund’s use male pronouns to describe the Peregrine falcon, while another focussed on the titles of university courses such as “Anthropology and the Future of Man.” Her fight over sexist language in academia was part of a larger campaign to make universities more welcoming to women. In 1988, for example, Dagg, along with one of her students, Patricia Thompson, published MisEducation: Women and Canadian Universities. The book described the sexist culture at Canadian universities, and advocated for less government funding to those institutions with discriminatory practices. Personal Life Anne Innis Dagg married Ian Ralph Dagg (1928-1993) when she returned from her first trip to Africa. Ian was a physicist she had met as an undergraduate at the University of Toronto. In 1959, the couple moved to Waterloo after Ian accepted a job at the University of Waterloo. They had three children: Hugh (1960), Ian (1962) and Mary (1965). In 2006, Dagg published Pursuing Giraffe: A 1950s Adventure, detailing her year spent studying giraffes in South Africa. Toronto-based filmmaker Alison Reid was inspired by the story. Her documentary about Dagg, called The Woman Who Loves Giraffes, was released in 2018. *********** Link https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T6_UVfr-HfI ********** Her natal Lilith uis 15 Sagittarius, N.Node 1 Capricorn, S.Node 26 Taurus Her natal Ceres is 20 Aquarius, N.Node 1 Gemini, S.Node 1 Capricorn, Her natal Amazon is 2 Pices, N.Node 5 Taurus, S.Node 6 Sagittarius Please feel free to comment or ask questions, Goddess Bless, Rad
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Understanding When Gender Switch is about to Occur
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Understanding When Gender Switch is about to Occur
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
ASTEROID GODDESSES
In Evolutionary Astrology Q&A
Rad
Apr 11, 2024
Hi All, Here is the story of Marianna Mortágua. This is a noon chart. ********** Mariana Mortágua   Wikipedia Mariana Rodrigues Mortágua (born 24 June 1986) is a Portuguese economist, politician, and current National Coordinator of the Left Bloc, serving since 28 May 2023. In 2013, she was elected to the Assembly of the Republic of Portugal, replacing Ana Drago. Early life Mortágua is the daughter of Camilo Mortágua, an anti-Salazar activist, revolutionary, and founding member of LUAR. She is the twin sister of Joana Mortágua, also MP of the Left Bloc, and distant cousin of socialist Maria João Rodrigues. She holds a degree and a master's degree in Economics from ISCTE - Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, having completed her PhD in economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London. She made her debut as a deputy in the Assembly of the Republic at the age of 27, in 2013, due to the need to replace Ana Drago in the Lisbon constituency, where she was elected. Her appointment in September 2013 to the top positions on the list of candidates for deputies by the Political Commission of the BE was contested by a group of militants, who criticized the "technocratic criteria" that guided her choice. In view of this, the BE confirmed that Mariana Mortágua was considered as the element that “would best serve the interests of the party in the Assembly of the Republic, due to her knowledge in the area of the Economy”, something that had “been felt since the departure of Francisco Louçã”. She later gained particular visibility in Portuguese politics after her performance in the parliamentary inquiry of Zeinal Bava and Ricardo Salgado, in the context of the bankruptcy of the BES bank. She was re-elected as a deputy in the 2015 legislative elections, which gave the Bloco de Esquerda its highest vote ever. She was a member of the Economy and Public Works Commission, the Budget, Finance and Public Administration Commission and the Eventual Commission for Monitoring the Measures of the Financial Assistance Program for Portugal. She was re-elected as a deputy in October 2019. In September 2016, she stated that, "from a practical point of view, the first thing we have to do is lose the shame of looking for someone who is accumulating money" and that "we cannot be ashamed of having a social policy of this kind." She was again reelected in 2022, despite the poor results of the Left Bloc. After Catarina Martins decided not to run again in the upcoming Congress, Mariana Mortágua announced her candidacy to the leadership of the party, receiving wide support from party members. On 28 May, Mariana Mortágua was elected Left Bloc's new coordinator, with the support of 493 out of 528 delegates for her motion, and 490 out of 600 delegates for her list for the BE's national board on party's convention in Lisbon. Political views Mortágua is interested in various humanitarian causes, especially women's rights and LGBT rights. She awakened to the cause of feminism in her youth, when she was part of the Young Association for Justice and Peace (AJP), led by feminist Teresa Cunha. Mortágua regularly participates in LGBT pride marches. However, she stated in an interview "today the gay parades are no longer political marches, they are publicity marches", contrary to when they were a "cause against capitalism". Personal life In April 2023, she claimed on SIC Notícias she was being politically targeted through lawsuits filed by Marco Galinha, chairman of the Global Media Group, and Chega, a right-wing populist political party in Portugal, and noted "I know that this type of pressure and political persecution will continue and will even rise in tone and level, whether because I am a woman, because I am on the left, whether because I am a lesbian woman, whether because I am the daughter of an anti-fascist resistance fighter, or because apparently I have the gift of bothering some people with a lot of power". *********** "I'm a lesbian and I'm prepared for anything", admits Mariana Mortágua 25 Apr 2023 13:05 The Bloco de Esquerda deputy and candidate for party leadership, Mariana Mortágua admitted on SIC Notícias that she is a lesbian and is "prepared for anything". The revelation was made regarding the most recent legal case filed against her and which was archived by the Central Criminal Instruction Court, initiatives that the deputy sees as attempts at "public waste". At the start of the face-to-face 'Red Lines', with the former CDS-PP deputy, Cecília Meireles, on Monday night, the BE deputy asked for "borrowed two minutes" to comment on the three legal proceedings that, in the last year, were filed against him, all archived. "I know that this type of pressure and political persecution will continue and will even increase in tone and level", said Mariana Mortágua, arguing that "these processes have a very clear intention, which is public wear and tear, either because in the course of these processes, the media notes that they happen, even if their outcome is archiving". "Whether it's because I'm a woman, whether it's because I'm left-wing, whether it's because I'm a lesbian woman, whether it's because I'm the daughter of an anti-fascist resister, with a past and an important story, whether it's because I apparently have the gift of bothering some people with a lot of power. . And I know that, for some people, these days, anything goes in politics, and I can only say that I am prepared for anything. I will continue to be who I am and do exactly my job as I have done until here", he said, then going on to comment on the most recent revelations from the parliamentary commission of inquiry into TAP, where he sits. Last Friday, the Central Criminal Instruction Court (TCIC) decided to close the case against Mariana Mortágua, in which the BE deputy was accused of violating the exclusivity regime for making political comments on SIC Notícias. ************ Interview: The right has no fixes for Portugal’s problems, says Left Bloc leader Sam Jones in Lisbon Mariana Mortágua warns victory in Sunday’s election could reverse social gains and mark return of ‘political bankruptcy’ Mon 4 Mar 2024 05.00 GMT A victory for the right in the Portuguese general election this week could reverse the social advances of the past few years and herald a return to the “moral, theoretical and political bankruptcy” that followed the 2008 financial crisis, the leader of the small Left Bloc party has said. Speaking to the Guardian as Portugal prepared to go to the polls on Sunday in a snap election triggered by the collapse in November of António Costa’s socialist government, Mariana Mortágua said rightwing and far-right parties did not have viable solutions to the country’s housing, healthcare and wage crises. She also suggested hard-won social rights could be threatened, pointing out that a senior member of one of the parties that makes up the centre-right Democratic Alliance coalition had floated the idea of a new referendum on abortion, almost two decades after Portugal overturned one of Europe’s most restrictive laws. “Today, the big news is that one of the rightwing candidates wants to have a referendum to ban free abortion in Portugal, which is something we won 17 years ago,” said Mortágua. “All that is at stake right now.” The Democratic Alliance moved swiftly to distance itself from the idea of a new abortion referendum, but Mortágua said the coalition, led by the Social Democratic party (PSD), could not be allowed back into power because of the painful and destructive austerity policies it had inflicted on Portugal at the behest of the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund. “After the troika intervention and all the rightwing policies – not only here – the right entered a period of moral, theoretical and political bankruptcy,” she said. “What’s at stake in these elections is whether we’re able to keep the right away from power and from the place where they went after the crisis, because they had no solutions to offer the country or the people, or whether they somehow manage to recover from that bankruptcy and take power again.” The centre-right government of the PSD’s Pedro Passos Coelho was toppled in November 2015 and replaced by an anti-austerity alliance of the Socialist party (PS), the Left Bloc and the Portuguese Communist party, which was collectively known as the geringonça, or “improvised solution”. Under Costa’s stewardship, the unlikely and little-fancied geringonça managed to bring political and economic stability to a country that received a €78bn (£67bn) bailout from the EU and the IMF in 2011. “We did something important in 2015 and we need to keep that capacity to change the country, to have agreements on the left, and to have progressive measures,” said Mortágua. Although the geringonça eventually foundered in 2021 when the Left Bloc and the Communist party refused to support Costa’s 2022 budget on the grounds that it did not include measures the smaller parties had asked for, Mortágua said her party was ready and willing to support a new Socialist-led government if its voice and policies were heeded. “We’d be happy to have an agreement if that agreement means we have enough power to impose new measures for wages and the healthcare system and housing and so on,” she said. Sunday’s election comes almost four months after Costa – who won a third term as prime minister and an unexpected absolute majority in the January 2022 general election – resigned amid an investigation into alleged illegalities in his government’s handling of large green investment projects. Costa, who has not been accused of any crime and who maintains he has a clear conscience, said he had stepped down out of respect for his office, saying “the duties of prime minister are not compatible with any suspicion of my integrity”. Recent polls suggest the socialists and the PSD are running almost neck and neck, with the centre-right party on about 31% of the vote and the PS on 29%. The far-right Chega party looks set to finish third with 18% of the vote, and the Left Bloc and the centre-right Liberal Initiative party are competing for fourth place with between 4% and 6% each. The PSD’s leader, Luís Montenegro, has emphatically ruled out any agreement with Chega, saying the views and policies of its leader, André Ventura, are “often xenophobic, racist, populist and excessively demagogic”. Mortágua approves of the PSD’s decision to reject Chega, but she is sceptical as to how long it might last. “Are we completely at peace and confident that, when the time comes and they need to get power, the right won’t find a way to make an agreement between themselves?” she said. “No. No one is.” The Left Bloc suffered a huge collapse in the 2022 election, dropping from 19 seats in the 230-seat parliament to five, a dismal performance that Mortágua attributes to tactical voting and fears of the far-right driving her party’s voters into the arms of the socialists. Her party may still have the clout to help the left back into office, and she is hoping that its ideas, rather than worries about Chega, will win back voters. Among its policies are using the budget surplus to increase investment in healthcare and education, ensuring that no CEO can earn more than 12 times the salary of their company’s lowest-paid worker, lowering taxes on wages and energy, and ending the non-resident tax schemes under which non-residents pay a flat tax of 10%. The party plans to tackle Portugal’s housing crisis by banning non-residents from buying houses in cities, drastically limiting Airbnb numbers in saturated areas, and introducing rent caps and mandatory five-year rental contracts to ensure stability. Despite the tumult of the past few years, Mortágua, a 37-year-old economist whose mother is a social worker and whose father is a veteran anti-fascist activist who fought the Salazar regime, is optimistic about the state of Portuguese democracy as the country prepares to mark the 50th anniversary of the Carnation revolution. “If you think in international terms, when welfare states were being built, we were in a dictatorship, and we got out of dictatorship when neoliberalism was being imposed everywhere else,” she said. “Thatcher was doing her worst work ever and we were just getting out of the dictatorship and starting to build our welfare state. So we were always in kind of a countercycle, catching up to building the welfare state and democracy. But we did it and we did a great job.” The memory of the revolution, she said, was a useful reminder of what could be done. “We need to keep working and to show people that it’s possible to fight to move forward instead of just resisting and stopping bad things from happening. “I’m quite optimistic about this election, even if it’s against the odds. I believe in the great power of the Portuguese people.” *********** Women who conquered macho world of Portuguese politics prepare for power This article is more than 8 years old The female-led Left Bloc party is about to form a government, but now faces shockingly sexist attacks Catarina F Martins Sat 14 Nov 2015 22.12 GMT A few days after Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc) won 10% of the vote in the Portuguese general elections last month, Joana Mortágua strode through the marble halls of the Portuguese parliament. Mortágua doesn’t resemble most deputies: she doesn’t wears suits, preferring a T-shirt and sneakers. She’s athletic and gathers her hair into a ponytail. Even after a historic result, she looked relaxed and amused, joking with colleagues that she had too many meetings to go to. Fast-forward a few weeks and her diary is fuller; Mortágua has become one of the most powerful politicians in the country. Bloco de Esquerda, Portugal’s equivalent to Greece’s anti-austerity Syriza party, is a crucial element in a leftwing alliance which is set to deliver a socialist government. Its sudden rise is also the story of a remarkable turnaround in fortunes which, in a notoriously macho political culture, has been masterminded by four women: the Bloc’s leader, Catarina Martins, deputies Mortágua and her sister Mariana, and Euro-deputy Marisa Matias. During the past year the quartet have confronted corrupt bankers and businessmen in parliament and won major debates in a country where women are left out of most politics. In 2009 Martins and Matias discussed how to promote greater prominence for women inside the Left Bloc. The fringe party had existed for 10 years and always emphasised feminism and gender equality. But its charismatic leaders were all men, including Francisco Louçã, Luís Fazenda, Miguel Portas and Fernando Rosas. “The founding male figures of the Left Bloc are feminists, but Marisa and I felt the need to tell them, ‘We want to engage in politics,’ ” says Martins. The women started to take action to combat the macho traits of a party that had deep roots in Portuguese society. “At the end of our meetings, we count how many times men and women took the stage to speak. Men always speak more than women – but usually they have nothing new to say. Women are more cautious about speaking in public, but when they do they’re adding new ideas or information,” says Joana Mortágua. Martins says the party now trains women in public speaking. “I encourage younger and shyer women to speak. And sometimes I scold the older male party figures, asking them to resist the temptation to explain what a woman said once she’d finished speaking,” she says. These strategies paid off in 2012. The party leader, Louçã, stepped aside and nominated a man – João Semedo – and a woman, Martins, to replace him, trying to replicate the leadership model of some far-left parties in Europe. At first it didn’t work. Martins ended up as leader, but found herself confronting hostility towards the notion of a leading female politician. “She had such a bad time. People would call João Semedo grandpa and Catarina the little granddaughter,” says Matias. Joana Mortágua adds that all the women in the Left Bloc faced sexism. “Our colleagues in other parties treat us in a very condescending way. They always say, ‘Those beautiful girls in the Left Bloc.’ People on the streets mix up our names and call us Catarina Matias, Mariana Martins, Marisa Mortágua, Joana Matias,” she says. By that time, some leading figures had left the party and in the European elections the Left Bloc lost two deputies. In 2014 Semedo resigned as party leader, leaving Martins in charge. “The shared leadership had meant that neither of them could shine,” says Marina Costa Lobo, a political scientist at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon. The changes began to bear fruit. “We put women in charge of some areas traditionally associated with men. We chose Marisa Matias as the frontrunner in the European elections and put Mariana Mortágua in charge of the economic dossiers,” says Martins. Matias became a vice-president of the European United Left in the European parliament and has been chosen as Left Bloc candidate for the Portuguese presidential elections in January. Mariana Mortágua’s role in questioning those responsible for the failure of Banco Espírito Santo – which had a €4.9bn (£3.4bn) bailout after a series of scandals – turned her into a hero. The images of her questioning of Ricardo Salgado, the bank’s former chief executive officer, went viral. “No one expects such a robust approach from a woman confronting the rich and powerful. The fact that Mariana did that while showing a deep knowledge of the subject granted her a huge respect. She proved her worth,” says Ana Lúcia Teixeira, an expert in women and politics at the Centre for Sociological Studies of the New University of Lisbon. “People started treating me with respect because of my hard work and stopped making fun of me for being a young liberal woman,” says Mariana Mortágua. During the general election campaign, the faces of the Mortágua sisters and Martins dominated billboards. Martins came across as well prepared and fearless during debates with leaders of other parties – all men and all older. After being mocked for failing to emulate the successes of Syriza, the Left Bloc finally seemed to have found its mojo. On election night, two winners emerged: the rightwing coalition was re-elected but could only form a minority administration. The real story was that the Left Bloc achieved a landmark haul of half a million votes, making it a pivotal player in negotiations. Martins announced that evening that the Left Bloc would oust a minority rightwing government. There followed weeks of negotiations, during which the Socialist party forged an unprecedented alliance with the Communist party and the Left Bloc. Last week the alliance forced the minority government to resign. That has left many on the right fearing a return to the revolutionary years that followed the 1974 ousting of the dictatorship. In a febrile atmosphere, the four female figures of the Left Bloc are again coming under scrutiny. “I didn’t feel a lot of sexism during the campaign, but now it’s worse. It’s much worse to hear someone calling us hysterical on TV,” says Mariana Mortágua. She cites one rant from a commentator on cable TV, who railed against “those four hysterical women. They’re always going against something or someone. I wouldn’t marry any of them, even if for free. I wouldn’t be able to stand such a woman.” On social media, a petition was launched, calling for Mariana Mortágua to pose naked on the cover of Playboy. The slogan chosen by Matias for her presidential candidacy – “one woman for all” – has been given a sexual overtone and transformed into “one woman for everyone”. Catarina Martins’ body has been discussed extensively by journalists, some suggesting she has adopted a more “feminine” haircut and wardrobe and that she is now “dyeing her grey hair”. “I started to dye my hair some years ago when I realised the grey hair made me look tired. About my clothes – I try to assume that they’re not newsworthy,” she says ironically. “But everyone’s talking about that instead of discussing the fact that the political centre in Portugal no longer exists.” Old habits die hard. But the four women leading the left into uncharted waters may be about to rip up the old rules of Portuguese politics. ****** The 28-Year-Old Who Stared Down The Portuguese Rockefeller An economist and daughter of one of the leading opponents of Portugal's former dictatorship, Mariana Mortagua is challenging the status quo. Is this a new Syriza? Sarah Halifa-Legrand May 18, 2015 LISBON — The vigor of her handshake offers a glimpse of her personality, frank and strong-willed. Her appearance does the rest. With her Converse shoes, jeans and ear piercings, Mariana Mortagua contrasts with the setting of Portugal's Parliament. "No, I'm not like the others," she says. A 28-year-old economist who became a parliament member in 2013 with the far-left party Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc), Mortagua has since demonstrated that she is undoubtedly her father's daughter. Camilo Mortagua played an important role in the fight against the dictatorial regime of António de Oliveira Salazar and in the 1974 Carnation Revolution. Mariana has earned her own reputation as a righter of wrongs by standing up to the country's biggest industrial and financial empire, Banco Espirito Santo (BES). As vice president of the Parliamentary Inquiry Commission, last year she led the offensive against one of the last banking dynasties. The collapse of BES in the summer of 2014 plunged Portugal back into turmoil just as it was emerging from a 78 billion-euro bailout program. After three years of austerity, wage cuts, pension cuts, spending cuts, tax hikes and privatizations, Lisbon found itself forced to bail out the debt-ridden bank to save it from bankruptcy. The state injected 3.9 billion euros, and the country's private bank another 1 billion. Taking on the power The young lawmaker was enthralled by the whole affair. For months, she worked relentlessly until late at night, until she knew all the twists and turns by heart. The Palácio de São Bento, Portugal's house of Parliament, became her second home, and the black couch in the room her party occupies became her camp bed. First of all, because what this finance fanatic saw in this case was the "occasion to scrutinize our economic elite," but also because the history of Espirito Santo, like that of her own father, goes back to the dictatorship. Founded in 1869 and developed under Salazar's authoritarian regime, the finance giant was nationalized in the aftermath of the 1974 revolution. "Humiliated but still refusing to admit defeat, the Espirito Santo family set about rebuilding its might abroad, through debt, before coming back to Portugal to get its banks back," Mariana explains, punctuating each of her sentences with a punch on the table. The group, built upon holdings divided among the family members, had placed its banking institution at the center of a complex financing scheme connecting all of its different companies. The structure was "poorly built, poorly managed and weakened by the crisis," she says. It ultimately collapsed just after Portugal's bailout. Mariana suspects the government and the Bank of Portugal were aware of the problems inside BES but waited until the international creditors left the country to avoid provoking a banking crisis while they were there. But she can't prove that. "Our job in parliament was to show to all Portuguese what the elite really think and how they operate," she says. She may not have succeeded in getting the people to share her passion for analyzing this Ponzi scheme, but Mariana Mortagua did manage to spark citizen interest in this extremely complex case. She created a blog to inform citizens, posted videos of the parliamentary debates that have been viewed more than 200,000 times on YouTube, and made a remark that has become something of a cult punch line. "The owner of everything is trying to pass himself off as the victim of everything," she told 70-year-old Ricardo Salgado, the empire's boss who has become known as "the Portuguese Rockefeller." "She stood out thanks to her perfect knowledge of the subject, her precise and direct but always polite questions, in a society that's used to more biased exchanges," says economist José Caldas, who was her professor until she went to London to continue her studies. "She's one of the rare women to often speak up in parliament," one journalist notes. Bloomberg News dubbed her a "Portugese star." Offspring of a militant In Alvito, a small village in the southern region of Alentejo, one of the poorest in the country, 81-year-old Camilo Mortagua follows his daughter’s television appearances with pride. Mariana is "hard-working" and "competent," he modestly told Público newspaper. The elder Mortagua is known for his involvement in the League of Union and Revolutionary Action, a small group of far-left militants who carried out spectacular operations against Salazar's regime. A sea pirate, he hijacked a cruise ship in 1961 with 900 people on board. Also an air pirate, a few months later he hijacked a plane to fly it over Lisbon and jettison 100,000 anti-fascist leaflets. In 1967, he robbed a branch of Bank of Portugal to continue to pay for his activities. "He was a revolutionary, yes, but not a terrorist," the lawmaker says in defense of her father. "His goal was to make the rest of the world care about what was going on in Portugal." Her parents met soon after the Carnation Revolution, which toppled the regime in 1974, four years after Salazar’s death. Twelve years later, Mariana and her twin sister Joana were born. "I joined Bloco de Esquerda thanks to Joana. She taught me a lot," Mariana says. Her sister joined the radical left party in 2004 and quickly became an important figure, becoming part of its standing committee. Mariana, who at the time was a militant in a feminist group, joined Bloco de Esquerda in 2009. "I realized that this party was a point of reference in my life," she says. "I crossed its path in every fight I took part in." Today, Mariana is one of the party's most promising figures, and some see her as its potential future leader now that its founder Francisco Louça, with whom she has co-authored books, is retired. "We'll see," she says when asked about her future. The task ahead is immense, and she knows it. Unlike its Greek or Spanish equivalents, Syriza and Podemos, her Portuguese anti-austerity party is swimming against the tide. Having received 10% of the vote and seen 16 lawmakers elected in 2009, Bloco de Esquerda has since lost half of its representatives. ************** Her natal Lilith is 17 Pieces, N.Node 15 Sagittarius, S.Node 24 Gemini Her natal Ceres is 15 Virgo, N.Node 23 Gemini, S.Node 14 Sagittarius Her natal Amazon is 28 Gemini, N.Node 2 Gemini, S.Node 8 Scorpio Please feel free to comment or ask questions. Goddess Bless, Rad
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